Across France, protesters have taken to the streets in opposition to the right-wing parties that gained ground in the recent European Parliament elections. “The rise of nationalists and demagogues is a danger for Europe,” President Emmanuel Macron said as he declared a snap general election. European broadcasters also warn of the rise of the “far” and “radical” Right. 

Given Europe’s history, such words matter. Yet the reality is far more nuanced.

In France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally, led by the fresh-faced Jordan Bardella, won 31.5% of the votes only after Le Pen’s long campaign to reform the party, soften its agenda, and, recently, expel Germany’s Alternative for Germany from her European Parliament group. 

In Italy, Giorgia Meloni has shown she is far from radical. Her Brothers of Italy emerged well ahead of the more staunchly anti-European, Lega.

In Hungary, too, a new center Right, anti-Viktor Orban party, Tisza, secured nearly 30% of the vote. This is the first time since 2004 that Mr. Orban’s party has seen its support dip below 50%. 

The European Right is indeed on the move. Yet this is not the far Right of Mussolini or Franco of which Mr. Macron and his allies appear to warn. Were it, I would be on the streets, too. 

To paint it as such is reckless for what it allows and obscures.

To suggest the recent election outcomes pose a “danger,” as Mr. Macron has, or are indicative of “sick societies,” against which Europe must “fight,” as Greece’s Yanis Varoufakis has said, or are part of “a wave” “shaking our democracy,” fuels the sort of fury now seen across France. No doubt, protests are valid forms of expression. Yet they become troublesome when incited by false narratives intended to stoke fear and sway the electorate.

Europe, too, could do with less, not more, unrest. Moreover, how are Europeans to grasp the subtleties of what’s unfolding on their doorstep if all right-leaning parties are thrown together as hard-, radical-, or far-right? Some are, but not all. Importantly, such broad caricatures disregard the genuine economic and political challenges Europe faces, and which propelled these parties forward: migration, defense, and failed energy policies, to name a few.

Indeed, the parties that have gained ground are proposing tangible solutions, not just empty platitudes, to the continent’s troubles — ones that appear to align with the public. On defense, for instance, more than half of the French oppose sending French troops to Ukraine, a prospect about which Macron has grown increasingly vocal. Le Pen has rejected the idea, accusing the president of wishing to feign “war leader.”

Her party has towed a fine line on Ukraine, having condemned Russia’s invasion while abstaining on aid. It also ultimately seeks to exit the North Atlantic Treaty’s integrated command in favor of “new strategic agreements” with allies and French sovereignty in security affairs, albeit after the war’s end. In a nation where foreign policy is closely bound to national identity, such calls for French, not European, “strategic autonomy” appear to resonate.

Should her National Rally succeed in the French legislative polls later this month and on July 7, this would likely shift the burden of supporting Ukraine to other European nations. Longer-term, it might also reshape the trans-Atlantic alliance. 

In Germany, where the Alternative for Germany surpassed Olaf Scholz’s socialist party to take second place, farmers have been protesting against the government’s green policies since December 2023. Housing, when available, is unaffordable, and the cost of living high — so much so that the city of Berlin has resorted to paying young people to patronize its clubs. Perhaps not surprisingly, the German Greens lost the most seats in the European Parliament. The Alternative for Germany, whose “Manifesto for Germany” calls for suburban development and simplified building codes, secured 16% of the youth vote, triple that in 2019.

Should this trend continue, Germany might yet see a resurgence in nuclear energy — or at least the safeguarding of what plants remain and a less abrupt transition to net zero. It might also see the Right advance in next year’s federal elections, bolstered by a growing youth following. 

Hungary’s youth also propelled Tisza, whose leader, Peter Magyar, is 43 years old. He has vowed to free European funds frozen by Brussels’s over rule-of-law concerns. Hungary is due to hold its legislative elections in 2026. 

Europe’s elections have changed little in terms of the political makeup of its parliament. Yet this time they hold considerable importance for the national politics of its members. 

It is here where nuances arise. Some parties are genuinely racist, some centrist — or attempting to be. Yet lumping all as far Right is as inaccurate as it is ineffective. 

If anything, Europe may have birthed a new Right.